It is accepted in contemporary debate that capitalist development is the culprit behind environmental degradation and climate change. Sustainable development has come to mean a level of downsizing to pre-modern modes of production as the polemical affluenza virus cripples our lifestyle and the ecosystem.
However, the assumption that modern capitalist society is too affluent is dangerous. Modern capitalism is poor. The cure to climate change and a more sustainable future needs to come from more growth, more affluence, not de-development.
A simplistic yet useful glance at Maslow’s hierarchy of needs shows that people first satisfy their basic material needs for food, shelter, physical security and health after which they satiate so called higher needs. Higher needs include creative freedom, justice, opportunities for political expression and even environmental goods. Environmental goods can include clean air, clean drinking water, a sustainable relationship with our ecosystem and certainty of our own and our children’s economic future – kind of like taking out insurance against adverse environmental effects to our own material security.
A hierarchy of needs approach suggests that consumers do not view goods that satisfy higher needs and goods that satisfy more basic needs as substitutes. In other words, if consumers place a value on environmental goods they would not sacrifice consumption of these goods for the opportunity to consume more other lower consumables such as plasma TVs. This point of view can be asserted from historical experience, where progress on environmental conservation has been born out of relative affluence, prosperity and greater satisfaction of basic needs.
Early 19th Century London, with a GDP per capita less than one tenth of present day United Kingdom was characterised by the unbearable stench of human effluence and rampant air pollution from the smut and stint of coal firing. Even Sydney Harbour was dirtier at that time than it is now. In North America, that era saw the unapologetic decimation of natural resources and forests with an attitude of environmental ‘conquest’ (http://www.greenwood.com/catalog/GR3201.aspx).
At that time, though capitalism was in its infancy, production methods were highly inefficient compared to today and the understanding of our relationship with the ecosystem was archaic.
The latter part of 19th century saw a new level of environmental awareness in the west coming from growing prosperity and a concern for resource preservation. The rise of conservation movements was in part spurred by a burgeoning middle class who had the time, political will and resources to satiate their higher needs with environmental goods. It was during this time that the first national parks were established, The Sierra Club, the forerunner for the Wilderness Society was founded and the state began to play an important regulatory role in managing natural resources.
The conservation movements of the 1890s did not survive the turn of the century. Instead they developed in a wave like manner, peaking at the end of the great economic expansions in the 1920s, 1950s, and arguably, today. These movements pushing for a more sustainable relationship with nature were not underwritten by a desire to somehow slow down economic growth or downsize, but rather to ensure its survival and to improve human standard of living.
Nobel prize winning economist, Amartya Sen convincingly argues that development or indeed economic growth has at its primary end the very higher needs mentioned above, namely political freedoms, social opportunities and transparency in public life. Sen’s analysis can be expanded to incorporate environmental sustainability as an end to development itself. If consumers derive utility from the consumption of environmental goods then this demands a radical alteration to the way we perceive ideas of material wealth and growth.
As Australia’s income grows, the methodology of calculating GDP figures needs to be revised to incorporate higher goods that are now demanded by consumers. Current methods of calculating income only explain standards of living up to a certain level of income after which they become redundant. If air pollution decreases our standard of living, pollution should be deducted from GDP estimates, if reduced risk of catastrophic natural disasters creates a more favourable and certain business outlook, then efforts to decrease the likelihood of adverse climate change should add to GDP. Such a revaluation of income measurements would suggest that a transition to a sustainable future presents us with more opportunities for growth rather a threat to our standard of living.
Policy that does not emphasise the growth opportunities of a more sustainable future and only concentrates on emission reduction is dangerous. The proliferation of the term ‘emission targets’ related to international climate agreements in the press sends out a pessimistic and alarmist message that bad times are coming. The public may react unfavourably to the realisation that more and greater costs will fall on them as a result of treaties which promise emission cuts. This could mean limited domestic support for such international climate treaties in the first place, only reducing their effectiveness.
Growth based climate politics should focus on informing the public of the benefits of a sustainable future. This would allow more risk taking by consumers and business, facilitating a Schumpeterian creative destruction process leading to the creation of new growth sectors. Government policy and regulation should set the right incentives and regulation for business to meet growing demand for environmental goods. This means greater investment into new energy sources, sustainable technology and the skills and expertise required to undertake the massive urban planning of sustainable cities. New industries will thrive on these initiatives, creating more opportunity for growth and offcourse jobs, increasing our standard of living and wealth.
Growth based solutions to climate change also present an opportunity to bridge the North – South divide in global multilateral discussions. Large developing economies such as China and India stand to win from tackling climate change early on by investing now in renewable energy and sustainable industries. For Australia, these nations are a market for technology and consulting on infrastructure development, not just the coal, uranium and iron ore of our old economy.
Economic growth is not only compatible with efforts to deal with climate change but is a precursor to a more sustainable future. Perhaps future economic historians would look on this era as a time of relative poverty, not affluence from the point of view of their new economies.
7 months ago